Albanian citizens headed to voting stations this Sunday to elect the new members of their unicameral parliament. Based on the preliminary results so far, the Socialist Party is winning 83 seats, out of 140 in total; the Democratic Party, which leads the Great Albania Alliance, 50 seats, followed by the Social Democratic Party with three seats.
The new parties registered for the 2025 elections are projected to gain representation –one seat each for the Together Movement and the Albania Becomes Initiative, respectively. At the same time, results of the centre-right new alternative, the Opportunity Party, are of two seats in the parliament. Edi Rama’s Socialist Party has seen an increase of 9 seats compared with the 2021 elections, while the Democratic Party of Albania is losing 13 seats compared to 2021, when it managed to secure 63 deputies.
The fourth mandate of Edi Rama in power is facing criticism regarding corruption allegations and threats to democracy. However, in the history of Albania’s democracy, these elections were generally perceived as the first ones with real and plausible new alternatives.
Despite discontent about the status quo in many informal discussions and the need to change and improve governance in Albania, voter turnout was relatively low at 42.21%, reflecting both massive migration rates, especially in the past 5 years, and a lack of motivation by other alternatives for the future. On the other hand, including the diaspora’s vote for the first time added a new dynamic to the process and is expected to compensate for this low turnout.
Judging from the results so far, the question remains whether the new parties managed to inspire and mobilize voters in a general ambience of discontent with the current status quo.
Disadvantaged by the electoral system
The parliament of the Republic of Albania is composed of 140 members elected for a 4-year term. The parliamentary electoral system is a proportional system based on multi-name electoral zones. The total number of electoral zones is 12 and the number of seats for each area varies, from 3 seats in the Kukës region, to 37 seats in the Tirana region. The system is designed to reflect the percentage of votes each party receives. The d’Hondt method is used to allocate seats, which tends to slightly favor larger parties but still allows smaller ones to gain representation if they meet the threshold.
This disadvantage can be observed in terms of factual votes that the new parties have gained, compared to the mandates allocated. While the Social-Democratic Party of Albania, led by the controversial Tom Doshi has secured only 48,380 votes in total, it has managed to get 3 seats. The party focused its campaign primarily in Shkodra and Tirana. Other parties, such as the Albania Becomes Initiative have secured more votes (56,148), but still managed to get only one seat in Tirana, given the distribution of votes across districts. On the other hand, the Together Movement has also managed to secure one seat with 22,354votes in total, out of which 12,601 came from the voters in the capital.
The new alternatives and what they bring to the game
Several new political parties made their debut in the May 11, 2025 elections, and a few of them successfully entered parliament. These parties reflect a growing appetite among Albanian voters for alternatives to the traditional political forces.
The Albania Becomes Initiative (Nisma Shqipëria Bëhet), led by Adriatik Lapaj and Endri Shabani, is known for its civic activism roots and positions as a reformist, anti-corruption force. It emphasizes transparency, justice reform, and citizen participation. Their slogan during the campaign was “Drejtësi për të gjithë” (Justice for All).
The Opportunity Party (Partia Mundësia), founded and led byAgron Shehaj, is positioned as center-right, promoting economic liberalism, entrepreneurship, and meritocracy. It appeals especially to younger voters and professionals. Their campaign slogan was“Merita, jo lidhje”(Merit, not Connections), highlighting their stance against nepotism and political favoritism.
The Together Movement (Lëvizja Bashkë), a leftist party led byArlind Qori, advocates social justice, workers’ rights, public services, and environmental protection. It has a strong grassroots presence and is particularly active in urban centers and among students. Their slogan was“Për një Shqipëri të barabartë”(For an Equal Albania).
The electoral campaign: Reaching out to Albanians inside and abroad?
Despite small numbers, the debut of these new parties in the Albanian parliament marks an important milestone for Albania’s middle-class citizens. Traditionally, the country has been politically polarized. Nonetheless, in the past five years citizens have been disappointed with the status quo, feeling also not represented by any of the major parties. The fact that in Tirana, which is the main development hub, these new parties managed to secure seats, shows the success of their strategy in reaching the swing voters.
With limited resources, they leaned heavily on social media platforms like Instagram and Facebook to reach younger voters. Interestingly, the government’s recent ban on TikTok during the campaign period sparked debate, as many candidates had been using this platform to connect with the diaspora and youth.
Grassroots engagement was a key tactic for the new parties. Leaders like Arlind Qori and Adriatik Lapaj held small community meetings and open forums, focusing on listening rather than just speaking. This approach helped them build trust and visibility in local areas.
The Albania Becomes Initiative and theTogether Movement adopted a populist tone, tapping into public frustration with corruption and inequality. Their campaigns were built on emotional appeals, civic engagement, and promises of justice and fairness. In contrast, theOpportunity Partyremained firmly rooted in its liberal economic platform, advocating for entrepreneurship and support for local businesses.
Yet none of these parties managed to expand their influence far beyond the capital when it comes to securing representation in the parliament. This geographic limitation reveals a deeper, twofold reality: the huge development gap between Tirana and the rest of the country, and the demographic decline of smaller towns and villages due to mass migration. In these areas, those who remain tend to stick with familiar political brands, reinforcing the dominance of traditional parties. A third contributing factor is in fact that these parties were engaged massively in competing with each other, especially in TV appearances. Such debates contributed to mainstream rhetoric, utilized to their advantage by bigger parties, that in fact new voices are weak and replication of traditional models in politics. On the other hand, the Socialist Party continued throughout the campaign to position itself as the only alternative and focused primarily on the competition with the Democratic Party’s leader Sali Berisha.
Results show that voters from abroad resonate with voters within the country in terms of general trend for the traditional parties. The number of votes from diaspora count 194,889 envelopes received by DHL, out of almost 245,000 registered voters from abroad. However, regarding the distribution of diaspora votes for the new alternatives in each district, show a higher performance of these parties among diaspora rather than internal voters. Figures in percentage points of their performance compared to the Tirana District, show that the new parties have scored better in other bigger cities as well, such as Durrës, Vlorë, Fier and Gjirokastra, especially the Albania Becomes Initiative and the Opportunity Party. The Together Movement has a more balanced distribution among internal and diaspora voters in each of 12 districts.
Can these parties become the last resort of Albania’s democracy?
Cases of electoral crime were present also in these elections, explaining somehow also the failure of these new parties’ outreach beyond the Tirana Hub. Even before the first ballot was cast, the playing field was far from level. In the weeks leading up to the 2025 elections, Albania’s Special Anti-Corruption Structure (SPAK) launched a public platform for reporting electoral crimes, a move that signaled just how deeply concerns about manipulation had taken root. Allegations of vote buying, intimidation, and misuse of state resources were already circulating. The General Prosecutor’s Office and SPAK have reported over the past week that more than 170 complaints and referrals regarding electoral crimes have been submitted to these institutions.
On Friday before the elections, BIRN raised concerns about the Socialist Party’s alleged use of coordinated social media campaigns to distort online discourse and drown out dissenting voices. The government’s ban on TikTok at the beginning of 2025 only added to suspicions, especially as it disproportionately affected the outreach strategies of smaller parties.
Meanwhile, on election day itself, the. OSCE ODIHR report also shows that the playing field was unleveled. Reports of irregularities surfaced across multiple districts, including incidents in Vorë, Lushnjë, and Tirana. These were not isolated glitches but symptoms of a deeper imbalance—one where the rules are bent to favor the ruling party.
And yet, the 2025 elections have shown that while the major parties still dominate, there is a narrow space for new voices. The modest success of smaller, issue-driven parties suggests that a segment of the electorate is searching for alternatives, especially those disillusioned by the status quo. While some internal voters are influenced by several factors such as favoring traditional parties, economic, employment and vote buying pressures, voters from abroad have shown higher support for the new parties. Whether these new movements can build on this momentum remains uncertain. But their presence alone is a last resort of hope for Albania’s democratic future, especially as the traditional opposition shrinks and the ruling party consolidates power through questionable means.